From the Foundations to the Legacy of Minoan Archaeology by Maria Relaki Yiannis Papadatos & Yiannis Papadatos
Author:Maria Relaki,Yiannis Papadatos & Yiannis Papadatos
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: RELIGION / History
ISBN: 9781785709272
Publisher: Casemate Publishers & Book Distributors, LLC
Published: 2018-01-30T16:00:00+00:00
Chapter 9
The house tomb in context: Assessing mortuary behaviour in north-east Crete
Ilse Schoep
Introduction
Over the last two decades it has become clear that the island of Crete should no longer be considered a homogenous cultural whole during the Bronze Age, but instead as a series of regions that often reveal very different strategies and dynamics. One of the first areas in which the regional character of the island in the Early and Middle Bronze Age became clear was the mortuary realm, with very obvious differences apparent between the circular tholos tombs in south-central Crete and the house tombs in north-east Crete (Seager 1912; Xanthoudides 1924; Branigan 1993). The picture, however, is more complex than this and, some time ago, Keith Branigan pointed out that tholos tombs also occur in north-east Crete (Branigan 1993: 12), such as for example at Krasi, Knossos and Myrsini. Tomb VIII at Palaikastro also has a semi-circular plan but is not preserved (Soles 1992: 192–93). In addition, some of the tholos cemeteries in south-central Crete also seem to contain some rectangular structures (Koumasa, Ayia Triada, Platanos, although it is by no means clear that they were used in the same way as the house tombs). Maria Relaki (2004) has also argued that different dynamics and patterns can be discerned behind the spread of the tholos tombs, even within the so-called culturally homogenous region of the Mesara plain, suggesting that the dispersal of tholos tombs does not express social and political congruity but is embedded in a web of fierce competition.
In a similar manner to the Mesara plain where people were burying their dead in circular tholos tombs (Branigan 1993: 7; Schoep 1999), north-east Crete is conventionally considered to be a culturally homogenous region because of the distribution of the house tomb. Upon closer inspection the picture of funerary homogeneity in north-east Crete breaks down into different patterns and dynamics and I will argue that the appearance of the house tomb and its associated mortuary behaviour in EM IIA initially restricted to a particular type of community and was the result of a conscious choice that provides insights into social reproduction (Parker Pearson 1982; 2000; Barrett 1990; 1994).
From grave goods to social practice
The earliest mortuary explorations in Crete focused mainly on the recovery of valuable objects from tombs (Evans 1906; Hawes et al. 1908; Seager 1912; Xanthoudides 1924), which is reflected in the treatment, or rather the “non-treatment” of the human remains (and palaeo-botanic and faunal remains). The publications of the early excavations are basically catalogues of objects, especially fine pottery and valuable objects (Seager 1912; Xanthoudides 1924). In the early days it was believed that the presence of grave goods reflected the religious beliefs of the deceased, in particular a belief in the afterlife (Morris 1992). New archaeology on the contrary suggested that grave goods can be seen as a direct reflection of the status of the deceased (isomorphism). In other words, it was believed that there was a direct correlation between the social rank of the
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